Fishy Business of Security

Fishy Business of Security

Fishy business could be holding up the UK-EU defence pact, and honestly, it’s fascinating how something as mundane as fishing rights can derail a vital security agreement. A pinch of salt is needed here, but Sweden’s EU affairs minister, Jessica Rosencrantz, has been refreshingly honest about the situation.

The stakes couldn’t be higher. Russia is ramping up pressure—not just with war, but through sabotage, espionage, and other indirect acts. America feels unreliable as an ally these days. Hostility towards Europe is growing, with public opinion turning sour and distancing from them. The US seems to outright hate Europe and wants to dismantle the European Union. So much for isolationist policies! This could even be an existential crisis for us. Sovereignty and security are at risk. The UK, along with France, is one of the few European nations able to project military power globally, making the UK an indispensable player in European security. If you’re wondering why Russia is keen to divide and sideline Europe, that’s precisely why. The UK and EU desperately need this pact to safeguard each other, and decoupling from America to take security into our own hands is increasingly urgent.

The war in Ukraine drags on. Europe is rearming, and Russia isn’t shy about showing its hostility towards the UK. It’s clear they see us as a major threat, and they’d love nothing more than for Britain to fall. Most voters don’t seem to notice, but the evidence is plain—murder, spying, sabotage. These acts are carefully designed to avoid provoking a formal declaration of war, but they’re war all the same. This isn’t just Britain’s problem; it’s happening all across Europe. Refugees are being weaponised to destabilise European politics, adding yet another layer to the chaos. Some might ask why we should care about Ukraine and European security, but the connection is obvious. Russia is Europe’s gas station. The war in Ukraine sent energy prices soaring, heavily impacting UK energy costs tied to natural gas. If you care about your fuel bill, you should care about this. Refugees and asylum seekers matter too—if Ukraine falls, millions will flee Russian rule. These seemingly unconnected issues are deeply linked.

Both sides want this defence pact sorted fast, and climate change adds more urgency. Arctic shipping routes are opening up, and protecting them will be crucial. Ireland is under the UK’s security umbrella, with the UK carrying the load since Ireland doesn’t have its own armed forces. Vast amounts of cargo bound for Europe travel by sea, and undersea cables connect the City of London to the continent. Britain acts as Europe’s fortress island, safeguarding the Atlantic and the Arctic alongside Nordic countries. Ireland and the Arctic are vulnerable, and the UK defence industry is eager to get involved in Europe’s rearmament. But neither the EU nor the UK is going to make this easy. Enter fishing rights—the bargaining chip.

Fishing rights have always been a contentious topic. The UK can’t sell fish into the EU market due to trade barriers we agreed to, so holding onto these rights seems pointless. Yet fishing stirs deep national sentiment. There’s a romanticism about fishermen braving the high seas that resonates emotionally. It’s similar to farmers—everyone loves them, yet we fail to pay them properly. People want cheap food but balk at the idea of paying more, having grown used to rock-bottom prices. Fishing rights always spark emotion during trade talks, even though most people don’t think about it daily. But here’s the thing—pragmatism has to win. Resolving fishing rights could rebuild trust and open the door to broader cooperation. Jessica Rosencrantz is right: fixing this issue creates space to resolve other sensitive topics, like defence.

It’s about much more than fish—it’s about security. Collaborating with European fleets to protect the North Sea from Russia, China, or even America is crucial. If sharing fishing rights helps make that happen, surely it’s worth considering? Russia and China are already eyeing undersea cables, and we don’t have enough ships to protect them. Russia is even suspected—though unproven—of tampering with these cables already. The case for increasing UK defence spending and expanding our navy and air force is strong.

Let’s face it—the UK’s economy is struggling. Stagnant growth, inflation, and poor productivity weigh us down. Undoing some of the trade barriers we created post-Brexit is common sense. Patching up the flat tyre won’t fix the whole car, but it’ll stop the wobble. The UK can’t keep trying to act as a bridge between the US, EU, and itself—it’s unsustainable. For security and economic stability, rejoining the European community isn’t just logical; it’s critical. Am I thrilled about this? Not really, but it’s where we are. Lay the blame squarely at the decision-makers who led us into this mess, and for goodness’ sake, stop voting for those peddling cakeism and false promises.

British exceptionalism needs to die. Clinging to empire fantasies holds us back, and parroting this rubbish does Britain no favours. If we’re going to rebuild, we need to make the case emotionally and clearly—not just with facts, but in a way people connect with. Denial won’t get us anywhere; it’s time for a dose of reality. I’d rather not be subject to whims and wishes of others without a say, forced to go along with it. What sovereignty is there in that? Better to pool resources with like-minded nations. Sharing the burden is cheaper.

The EU sees this differently, and understandably so. The UK hasn’t treated them well, so caution is natural. It’s like an ex suddenly wanting to share resources after years of distance—would you trust them? If your answer’s yes, I’d question your judgement. Changing your mind is fine, but the EU wants proof that we’re serious this time. Negotiations are simple: you give, they give. It’s baffling how many seem to lack a basic grasp of strategy—I’ve spent far too much time playing real-time strategy games, and even I understand.

Critical thinking is desperately needed, but unchecked sources and half-truths dominate. Politicians should be alarmed, but they seem oddly relaxed. Maybe they’re cushioned by algorithm-driven bubbles. It’s worrying. Neurodivergent thinkers like me might not fit into traditional politics, but we care deeply. I’ve considered stepping in because the problems are clear and solvable. Cleverer people than me have failed spectacularly, though. I’ve been told I should go for it, but the road’s long, and I’m unsure I’d fit the mould. Then again, doubting I’d be great at it might be what makes me suited for it.

Why do we keep electing the same people who lead us astray? Why do we listen to the rich preaching what’s best for us while dodging their responsibilities? Why aren’t we asking tougher questions and prioritising what truly matters? Spending more time choosing your underwear than questioning bin collection policies doesn’t make sense. Politics impacts every aspect of daily life, and focusing on trivialities over real issues is frustrating. Voters are messy—they want impossible things and conflicting promises. Politicians over-promise because voters demand it. Maybe it’s time for leaders who lead, not chase illusions. We need a more grounded, collaborative system. Less theatre, more substance. Voters must stay engaged beyond elections, and politicians need to sound relatable. I admit I can get overly technical, but the core issues are there if you dig past the fluff.

The UK and EU stand at a crossroads, with their futures intertwined in ways many voters barely recognise. Fishing rights might seem trivial on the surface, but they symbolise something much deeper—trust, collaboration, and a willingness to compromise. These are the building blocks for a defence pact that’s not just about protecting borders but ensuring Europe can stand united against those who would divide and conquer. It’s frustrating watching Europe move slowly, with some decisions driven by pride. Cynicism only strengthens our opponents and weakens us. Yet there’s a glimmer of hope—Europe is not weak but strong. Sovereignty isn’t about isolation; it’s about pooling resources. The world is more interconnected than ever, and pretending we can go it alone is foolish.

The glass may feel half empty right now, but it’s not empty. There’s still something worth fighting for—it’s the foundation upon which European peace was built. After the dark shadow of World War II, a better future emerged. One built on trade, cooperation, pragmatism, and a belief in security and stability. If we can stop clinging to outdated notions of exceptionalism and focus on what truly matters, there’s no reason Europe, including the UK, can’t be stronger, safer, and more resilient. We can learn from history or repeat the same mistakes of the past.

 

The Democratic Dilemma: Resist or Radicalize?

The Democratic Dilemma: Resist or Radicalize?

The American presidential election happened in November 2024. A narrow win feels like a landslide. In terms of the popular vote, the margin was 1.62%. Yet Republicans have wasted no time attacking everything—or more accurately, breaking everything. The president now wields king-like powers, standing above all other branches. This is far from normal. It represents a centralization of power and an attack on the federal system while simultaneously expanding control over states. Checks and balances seem complicit in this shift, highlighting how radical the change has been. However, something much bigger is happening beneath the surface.

Top Trumps

Trump won, and Harris lost. Since that defeat, Democrats have drifted. They lack a united message or voice. Leadership of the party is spread across many roles and offices. The strength of the federal government—decentralized power—has become a glaring weakness. Unlike many other political systems, there is no single opposition leader. What was once a strength is now a liability. The party has been vocal about Trump breaking rules and norms, yet many voters appear indifferent. The silence from Republicans has gone unchallenged. The mainstream media has tried to paint what is happening as normal. It is anything but normal, as Project 2025 unfolds—a deeply unpopular platform that is breaking everything.

Dazed by Defeat

Dazed by defeat, Democrats have not had time to process. Members have tried to explain the flipping of all three branches of government. The obvious point is the economy; voters told everyone it was inflation and their anger over it. Poor messaging, failure to listen to voters, and a desire to punish the party are the answers. Voters wanted change, frustrated with political gridlock. Various figures have offered ideas and analyses of why, who, and what happened. Some common themes emerge, but many are fighting past battles. It feels like a funeral happening one day after a death, with people at the wake fighting over what went wrong.

Stacking the Cards

It is unknown what these changes mean for future election cycles. The deck is being stacked in favor of Republicans. Loyalists are being installed at every level, and political appointments—scrapped decades ago—are being reintroduced. We don’t yet know how this will play out. If every new government removes civil servants, the American system, like clockwork, could grind to a halt, creating chaos. The midterms and the next race will come quickly, with different offices and seats up for grabs. Even something like voting districts can be gamed, sealing an advantage. This narrow defeat has painful consequences. With limited guardrails and moral values, people will do anything to get ahead. Republicans have proven they are ruthless and unwilling to relinquish power. This leads to a dangerous situation that could unfold. Insurrection has happened once. Under the surface, something much bigger is brewing—a volatile electorate that is fragmenting. It feels different this time.

Resist or Radicalization?

Two schools of thought have emerged. Democrats can sit back and watch the chaos unfold, playing by the old rules. Norms apply to them but not their opponents. They don’t propose major changes and instead play within the old system, treating this as a blip. They still fight but pick their battles, seeking to preserve and conserve the order that came before. One such battle is playing out now. Democrats find themselves in an impossible position on government shutdowns and the debt ceiling. They fold to avoid blame for a shutdown, seeking to win the war, not the battle.

The other viewpoint is far more fragmented. It focuses on defending liberal values and moving toward a more progressive path. There is no clear guiding light here—just a desire to improve the lives of working-class Americans. It’s about being conservative but with progressive ideas to remake the system and fix what is broken. It’s liberal versus conservative, but with progressives wanting to do more. Both sides view their approach as correct. Parties normally fight over future direction; this time is no different. Radical revolution versus incremental change. Republicans underwent a similar process, and the result was Trump. Progressives view the defeat as another ignored warning shot. Conservatives see it as a minor setback that can be dealt with. They believe the changes can be undone once the worst impacts are felt.

Resist or Revolution?

Republicans have made it very clear this is a revolution. I don’t think that has dawned on many people yet—not voters, not either party. One thing both sides are missing is the fragmentation and push toward the fringe. This leads to more backsliding and shifting gravity. Why? The gaming of the system and the primary process mean pandering in the name of purity. The right has radicalized itself before. Political parties are not immune to outside influence, which shifts the mainstream toward fringe views.

Now, the online right has radicalized itself, causing mainstream center-right parties to shift further right. This empowers the far or alt-right, bolstering its support. This small group now believes in a reality based on an information diet of nonsense, engaging with a false world. Junk information is infecting voters and parties. What has happened in America is part of a global trend. Partisan politics are on steroids, and rage is spilling out. That’s the fragmentation happening naturally across the world. Both parties are moving away from the average voter.

In America, the online right has taken over the Republican Party. Calls to move toward the center and compromise are valid, but in a hyper-partisan world, purity becomes a liability. A wide tent can be useful for reinvention, but a small tent with purity above all else is dangerous. Democrats should learn from their opponents’ mistakes. They should listen to moderate voices, progressives, and voters’ desires. But that also means unclogging the system and making major constitutional changes. Here, Trump’s wrecking ball may be a blessing for the future. One key lesson is the information war—how one side has used it and been consumed by it. The other side is still fighting by the old rules. Cleaning up the information space and dealing with tech giants is a necessary evil. Democrats must also enter this alien world and do a better job engaging with folks outside their algorithm.

Resist or Fight Another Day?

I understand why people are angry at Democrats for not fighting, but it’s part of a much bigger problem: the lack of an opposition leader and failure to reinvent the party. Democrats now need to expand their appeal. Moderates and progressives can work together to find common ground and push for necessary changes. Trump has already shown his willingness to push his power to the limits. Democrats should have shut down the government and blamed him, focusing on inflation and the chaos he was causing.

A single message focusing on why the Democrats care and addressing voters’ fears would have been deeply risky, but the hope is Trump would do the damage for them. The biggest risk is fighting everything without being strategic. The obvious fight is over spending cuts and the debt ceiling, forcing Republicans to own it and creating conflict with figures like Musk. Another viewpoint is keeping powder dry until debt ceiling talks. It all comes down to partisan politics and the ability to rise above it or sink to it.

Authoritarian Turn: Everybody is Angry

The information war has evolved. People no longer get news from mainstream sources. Instead, mainstream media is downstream. Upstream feeds are dominated by certain groups, missing their voice. This allows them to set the tone and paint the narrative before Democrats can respond. That needs addressing because one side is talking to itself, unable to connect with the voters it needs. Democrats need plain-speaking messages that resonate with voters.

The problem is one side is setting the message and tone before the debate begins. What we now have are two opposing views: an illiberal but liberal elite seeking to destroy the liberal elite. They exploit the system they helped break to destroy it and rebuild it. Authoritarian power grabs are driven by extreme partisan views. It’s easy to destroy but much harder to create. The good news is the election cycle continues. The bad news is one side seems willing to give Republicans unlimited power, fearing they’ll be consumed by this revolution. Trump now wields king-like political power. The party of small government is fine with using that power however it pleases. But they haven’t considered what happens when the other side gets it. This authoritarian takeover shows no desire to yield power. That’s just my gut talking.

Falling for Radicalization as a Response

Democrats should avoid being radicalized like Republicans. As much as I like some figures being pushed as the answer, they are not the solution but part of the problem. They do, however, have some solutions to America’s woes. Sadly, most voters don’t share that instinct or ideological lean. Voters are complicated, often holding conflicting views. They base decisions on vibes, hearsay, and information from non-mainstream sources.

That last point is something Democrats need to address quickly. They must enter the rabbit hole—not to be consumed by it but to use it to deliver their message. I’m an outsider to American politics but no stranger to progressive versus moderate battles. My views lean progressive, but I think about politics differently than most voters, who often don’t. If you’re curious why Trump can get away with breaking the rules, that’s why. Voters care more about the price of eggs and gas. Democrats and their allies should start there and build a case against Trump. That also means winning the information war and quickly getting into the fight.

Don’t Panic: Time for Action on Ukraine

Don’t Panic: Time for Action on Ukraine

Calm heads are required. A knee-jerk reaction is a mistake. You should take your time, to consider and reflect. Failure to response to Russian aggression. Inaction is how we have got here. Europe as whole did not give Ukraine everything it needed to win. It tried to do half measures, to avoid economic pain. Russia war economy is overheating, it has been unable to take Ukraine. In the 3 years, progress has been painfully slow and stalled. What support we have given Ukraine has been a massive success. Now it seems the Americans have changed sides. Who could have seen that coming? Oh, I don’t know, it was in plain sight and obvious.

Europe and rest of the west should accept this what has happened. Learn from it mistakes. Warm words do not win wars. Action however does. What worries me is inaction and gravity pulling us in a direction that not in are interests. The last 3 years of policy look to be a failure. If you wanted Ukraine to win and this conflict between west and Russia to be contained. If not obvious we’re at war with Russia, that how they view it. Viewing it as a scale and willing to push but avoid what we consider all out war. So what should we be doing? Well, ramping up production, aiming to supply Ukraine. With the goal of domestic production. At the same time increasing defence spending and looking at replacing American’s ability in Europe. The goal here is building a new command centre with Europe in control and leading. Lots that need to be done here. That going to be longer term thing but required. Holding back on stronger sanctions for now unless something big happens. What is required, here, is going to be deeply painful.

What happened in the White House this week was shocking but a wake-up call. We have time to improve things. The price of peace is much higher than it was. Europe is rich and can pay that price. We may not like it, but we can do it. Otherwise, we’re heading towards war with Russia and going to end up unprepared. One bit of good news here, a formal war has not happened yet. I’m worried, yes, but half glass full we can avoid the worst of it. It does require paying the price to achieve peace we want and doing what is necessary.

Chagos island: The UK Last Colony and American Colony

Chagos island: The UK Last Colony and American Colony

The Chagos Islands have been in the news a lot recently due to talks between the UK and Mauritius over control. Currently, they are a British Overseas Territory (UKOT), but the islands host a joint UK-US military base. The Americans lease the islands from the British, who, rather controversially, expelled the original inhabitants and replaced them with Americans working for the military.

Why Do the Islands Matter?

The Chagos Islands are slap bang in the middle of the Indian Ocean, with Africa to the west, the Middle East to the north, and Asia to the east. Back in the 1960s, during the Cold War, the Americans were worried about the Soviets and wanted a stable spot for a military base. The Middle East was a major focus at the time, and the 1970s were full of upheaval there. The UK kept the islands when Mauritius became independent because they were seen as vital for containing the Soviet Union. For decades, UK and US foreign policy have been closely tied, and the islands are just one example of that.

A Bit of History

For most of history, nobody lived on the islands. They were claimed by the French colony that became Mauritius, which eventually turned into a British colony. After Napoleon lost in 1815, Mauritius and the Chagos Islands were handed over to the British. The British had already redrawn maps, taking the islands away from the Maldives. Back then, there weren’t official borders or legal frameworks, but those decisions are still causing arguments today. For example, the Maldives is much closer to the Chagos Islands than Mauritius, which has led to disputes over fishing rights and sovereignty.

The first British colony on the islands was set up in 1793. Enslaved people were brought in to work on coconut plantations, and their descendants lived there until they were forcibly removed in the 1960s. Slavery was abolished in 1834, and by 1840, many of the islanders were descendants of freed slaves.

The Expulsion of the 1960s

In November 1965, the UK bought the entire Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius (which was self-governing at the time) for £3 million, creating the British Indian Ocean Territory. The plantations on the islands weren’t profitable due to competition from other oils and lubricants, making the economy unsustainable. The islands were closed to make way for military activities, and the population was forcibly removed.

Between 1967 and 1973, the UK expelled the islanders, sending them to Mauritius and the Seychelles. An agreement with the US required the islands to be uninhabited for military purposes. The Mauritian government resisted taking in more displaced islanders without compensation, so in 1973, the UK agreed to pay reparations. It’s a dark chapter in British history, adding to the country’s colonial legacy.

Legal Fights

Brexit hasn’t helped the UK’s reputation or influence, making it harder to rely on allies for diplomatic cover. For decades, no court would hear the case of the Chagos Islands. The European Court of Human Rights refused in 2012, which often gets overlooked. But in 2015, Mauritius won a case about fishing rights, with a ruling that the marine protected area around the islands was illegal. This boosted Mauritius’s claim.

In February 2019, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled that the UK should return the islands to Mauritius. The ruling wasn’t legally binding, but it added pressure. International law and global opinion have shifted against the UK.

Negotiations

When Boris Johnson was PM, he started talks about returning the islands. Liz Truss continued the process, and now, after two years, Keir Starmer has reached a deal. Under the agreement, sovereignty over the islands would go to Mauritius, but the UK-US military base would remain. You can read the deal here.

Not everyone is happy. The Chagossians were left out of the decision-making process about their homeland. The Maldives isn’t thrilled either, as the deal overrides its claims. It’s another messy outcome of Britain’s map-redrawing and colonial history. But the Maldives has supported Mauritius’s claim. Why? Likely for favoured access to fishing rights or other political interests. With pressure on the UK, Mauritius is likely to take ownership. Why jeopardise relations between Mauritius and the Maldives?

The Fallout

The deal has had a mixed reaction in the UK. Critics from across the political spectrum have attacked it, and the media has jumped on it as an opportunity to bash Labour. What’s frustrating is how many commentators ignored the issue when Boris Johnson or Liz Truss were involved. A quick search shows barely any articles from those same pundits. Now, they’re using it to attack a working-class leader without offering real insights. It’s more about scoring political points than genuinely caring about the islands.

Searching Hansard’s House of Commons records shows Chagos was mentioned about four times per year for decades. Mentions only started increasing in the 2000s, with 15 in 2001, 20 in 2016, and 34 in October 2024 when the deal was announced. Similar numbers appear when searching for “Chagos Islands” or “British Indian Ocean Territory.”

Geopolitics

The world has changed. Climate change means rising sea levels threaten the Chagos Islands. Mauritius has been getting closer to China, and the US isn’t the reliable ally it once was. If the base is so vital, why hasn’t the UK strengthened it or taken control? Why has the UK done so little about climate change? Instead, defence spending has been cut, and Britain’s influence is fading. Some critics still have an imperial mindset, refusing to accept that the UK is now a middle power with limited sway. Meanwhile, Starmer, being a lawyer, followed the ICJ’s judgment on principle, even though it wasn’t binding. The deal allows the base to stay under a 50-year lease, with payments to Mauritius for resettlement. Islanders can return, but not near the base.

The Trump Factor

Donald Trump’s likely return to the White House could complicate things. Any agreement about the UK-US base will need his approval, and he’s unpredictable. With the US growing more confrontational with China, the base becomes even more important. The region has seen countries drift away from America and the West. When Trump was first elected, the UK used him as an excuse to avoid tough decisions. Now, Britain is trying to stay close to both the EU and the US, which isn’t easy. Critics complain about Britain’s declining status but don’t want to fund the military properly.

What Do We Do?

Writing this blog post has been an eye-opener. I’ve learned about a dark bit of our colonial history that I knew little about before. Honestly, I’m torn on what we should do. The main options are:

  • A: Accept the deal with Mauritius. It’s practical, closes a dark chapter, and restores the UK’s global reputation.

  • B: Offer the Maldives the islands. Politically difficult, undermines international law, and seen as bad faith.

  • C: Offer the Chagossians ownership. Legally complex, diplomatically risky, and seen as illegitimate by many.

  • D: Ignore the issue. The deal is politically toxic, and without US support, it may stall.

  • E: Seek an EU deal. Unlikely, as the EU wouldn’t bypass international law, and trust in the UK is low.

The most realistic options are A (since a deal exists) and D (due to political challenges in passing it).

Torn on What to Do

I’d love to return the islands to the Chagossians and give them a choice, but it would be costly and politically fraught. The islands have military value, and maybe the lesson here is that we should get closer to Europe. Striking a deal with the US and Europe could be beneficial. It could also help tackle issues like African migration and piracy. However, aligning more with Europe risks conflict with an independent-minded America.

Final Thoughts

The Chagos Islands debate exposes uncomfortable truths about Britain’s colonial past and declining influence. Some see the deal as a humiliation; others view it as a pragmatic step in a changing world. The real issue is that parts of the UK still haven’t come to terms with the loss of empire. The question is: can Britain adapt to its new reality, or will it keep clinging to a fantasy?

Good man and bad president Jimmy Carter

Good Man and Bad President Jimmy Carter

Jimmy Carter was a good man but a bad president. He was also unlucky. A one-term president, he served during a time of deep crisis—some of his own making, others beyond his control. The weak economy of the 1970s, hit by multiple shocks, defined his presidency. The oil shock of the decade led to high inflation and unemployment, causing widespread dissatisfaction with his leadership. One of his key decisions was appointing Paul Volcker as Chair of the Federal Reserve. While Volcker’s policies eventually reduced inflation, the benefits and credit largely went to Carter’s successor.

Carter’s style of governance was rooted in attention to detail, micromanagement, and telling hard truths—often to his detriment. He presented himself as an outsider and acted in a more human, smaller role, akin to a head of state. Above all, he prioritised public service and duty for the greater good—a trait that defined his post-presidential years. A reformer and a strong defender of civil and human rights, Carter did some of his most important work outside the White House. He never allowed his presidency to define him. Avoiding the lucrative path of paid speeches, he focused instead on the hard work of progress.

Above all else, Carter was a public servant—modest and honest. His biggest flaw was his stubbornness as an outsider, which left him isolated and unable to work effectively with his own party. However, this same quality became a strength after leaving office. While his presidency is widely considered a failure, he laid the groundwork for his successors’ successes.

The Iranian hostage crisis exemplifies his misfortune. Carter authorised a daring but failed rescue mission, yet he worked tirelessly until the final minutes of his presidency to negotiate their release. The hostages were freed mere minutes after Ronald Reagan took office. This incident highlights Carter’s bad luck and the potential humiliation inflicted by Iran—though whether the delay was intentional or coincidental remains unclear. Carter’s hard work often went unrecognised, but he never sought the limelight. Years later he did win noble peace prize.

He reminds me of the late Queen Elizabeth II: a public servant above all else, never seeking to enrich himself and always maintaining modesty, even while occupying a grand office. After leaving office, Carter never pursued wealth. Instead, he used his influence with a deep sense of public duty. His approach to leadership reflected a more European style—dignified and understated, though occasionally outspoken. It feels almost poetic.

His successor, Ronald Reagan, was his complete opposite—a pattern that seems to repeat in history. The contrast is evident today with Joe Biden and Donald Trump. The latter, a criminal, represents a bad man and a bad president. Biden, much like Carter, is blamed for issues largely beyond his control. High inflation has tarnished his reputation, and his party struggles to craft a positive narrative. Biden is passing on a recovered economy, but without receiving the credit. It feels tragically poetic that Carter passed away before Trump takes office again.

Jimmy Carter lived to the remarkable age of 100, serving as the 39th President of the United States and outlasting many of his successors. Trump, set to become the 47th president, underscores Carter’s extraordinary longevity. Carter was the oldest living former president, a title that now passes to Joe Biden—who originally endorsed Carter early in his career. This full-circle moment connects the oldest president, the oldest former president, and now the oldest to take office. Both men have been heavily influenced by Christian values and beliefs.

My knowledge of Carter was rather limited until his death. I knew about his work building homes and that he was an outsider. I never saw him giving speeches or trying to make money. He was a low-key public servant even outside of office, and he earned my respect. He is one of the great post-presidencies, redefining what it means to serve after leaving office. Carter created a blueprint for others to follow. There will not be another one like him—American politics is too toxic and dysfunctional now. The age of good chaps and gentlemen is over. A former peanut farmer, Carter was a good man but a bad president—a shining light for how politicians should conduct themselves out of office.

Bedtime Blog: Balancing Hope and Concern on Assisted Dying in the UK

Bedtime Blog: Balancing Hope and Concern on Assisted Dying in the UK

I’m writing this blog post at 10 p.m., so it’s going to be a quick one before bed. Originally, I planned to write something a couple of days ago, but the subject of the assisted dying bill brought back memories I did not want to revisit. Today’s subject is the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill.

It’s a private member’s bill, something which almost never gets passed, making its way through the House of Commons. The last time a bill like this was debated was in 2015, yet now it has passed its second reading.

You can read the bill here: Full Bill PDF

At 38 pages long, it seems to be rather strict in outlining when this new legal power can be used.

I broadly support the bill, but I still have some concerns. My first concern is that the safeguards may be too strict, potentially making the process too lengthy. I’m unsure whether the safeguards will have the desired impact or might cause unintended negative effects instead.

I also have a deep mistrust and fear about state abuse. It wasn’t long ago that the NHS issued ‘do not resuscitate’ orders for some patients during the COVID pandemic without transparency. Alongside historic abuse in care homes, vulnerable people in society have been treated poorly for a long time.

That said, I am reminded of my own painful experiences watching family members die slowly and painfully, with no hope of recovery. Ending it all would have been a much better option than hopelessly fighting against the odds.

Arguments against the bill often include concerns about poor social care, poor outcomes, and inadequate end-of-life care. I don’t view these as valid arguments because the people making them have had the opportunity to address these problems but have chosen not to.

I hope this bill brings these issues to the forefront, but the current government already has a long list of problems to tackle. Radical reform of deep structural issues is likely to take a back seat to more immediate concerns. I’m cautiously optimistic that we might finally address this, but after 14 years or more of neglect, the state is in a massive hole—far weaker, doing more with less, lacking expertise, and barely functioning in some areas.

My next big concern is that this bill will place additional burdens on already stretched resources. I also have deep-seated concerns that some people, particularly the disabled and vulnerable, may be coerced into taking this route. There’s a risk that a future government might exploit this law for headline-grabbing purposes, with potentially devastating consequences. Given the past abuse of power and lack of moral standing, these fears are not unfounded.

I suppose the broader issue here is a deep mistrust of the state, something I hadn’t considered as fully until today. On one hand, I support this bill; on the other, I worry about its implications.

However painful my memories are, this decision should not be taken lightly. Crossing the Rubicon on such a significant issue demands caution. This could be one of the biggest societal changes in the UK for generations. Perhaps it will finally lead us to discuss ageing and death more openly. Maybe, in time, we’ll be ready to talk about other taboo subjects, like sex and relationships.

Who knows? What I do know is that this was a historic day. For the first time I can remember, the House of Commons was silent when the bill passed. It restored a bit of my faith in politics. Perhaps this new Parliament is better than the last.

Neutrality matters: Bank of England

Neutrality matters: Bank of England

Ah yes, a blog about the Governor of the Bank of England, Andrew Bailey, and his comments on UK/EU relations. Procrastination at its finest—I’m dodging my other drafts because this feels more worth talking about. Andrew Bailey recently gave a speech at Mansion House about growth, and you can find the transcript here. The UK government has made growth a cornerstone of its platform. Without growth, we can’t have better public services.

There’s loads to say about this speech, but journalists have been a bit naughty by not publishing the full section that’s causing headlines. Here it is, quoted in full:

Now, as I have said many times, as a public official I take no position on Brexit per se. That’s important. But I do have to point out consequences. The changing trading relationship with the EU has weighed on the level of potential supply. The impact on trade seems to be more in goods than services, that is not particularly surprising to my mind. But it underlines why we must be alert to and welcome opportunities to rebuild relations while respecting the decision of the British people.

But, we should not focus just on the effects of Brexit. The picture is now clouded by the impact of geopolitical shocks and the broader fragmentation of the world economy. I will own up to being an old-fashioned free trader at heart. It’s a British characteristic, I like to think. My point is this: amidst the important need to be alert to threats to economic security, let’s please remember the importance of openness. Openness is an important determinant of productivity. There is nothing new about saying this, just to be clear.

The first point is simple: Bailey should stick to speaking about policy matters and decisions delegated to him. That means avoiding topics reserved for the government. When officials break that norm, it increases the likelihood of political appointments—people chosen not for expertise but for their loyalty to the government’s messaging. For an independent central bank, this is a massive challenge to its independence.

This norm exists for a reason. If future governors are picked for loyalty over skill, the quality of decisions will decline, and the central bank’s independence could crumble entirely. It’s not just central bank governors—look at the USA right now. You’ve got people with no experience or expertise holding office because of loyalty. It’s a total mess. And if you want a closer-to-home example, think of UK magistrates. They often have no legal experience but still help run the legal system. That already causes massive miscarriages of justice. Now imagine amateurs running the state itself.

Such comments also risk fuelling resentment, which already exists in some political quarters. Remember Liz Truss? She called out Bailey for simply doing his job during the fallout of her mini-budget.

Bailey is, of course, right in what he’s saying, but urging the Chancellor to act isn’t his job. His role is to set monetary and financial policy as effectively as possible within the framework of government decisions. That’s already difficult enough. Just look at how the central bank had to step in to stabilise the financial system after Liz Truss’s mini-budget. That fiasco caused bond market turmoil, massive losses, and a serious hit to pension values.

The temptation to comment must be enormous, given the job and the platform it provides. Journalists are relentless in trying to get a juicy quote to spark drama. But, just like the King or Queen stays silent on politics, or a deputy coach avoids publicly criticising the head coach, central bank officials need to adhere to the principle of collective responsibility. For Americans, think of it like the Hatch Act. These norms exist for a reason: they prevent the government’s reputation and decision-making from being publicly undermined. Would you invest in a company where employees openly disagreed with the CEO? People can have different opinions, but sometimes, your role demands silence.

Bailey raises valid points, but he could’ve expressed them more diplomatically. Given how quickly journalists pounced on his remarks, it’s clear he should’ve said less—or nothing at all. Let’s be honest, most people don’t have the reading comprehension to fully understand his nuanced message. The Chancellor might do well to send Bailey a strongly worded letter reminding him where the line is.

As much as Bailey’s comments reflect valid concerns, the bigger issue here isn’t Brexit or even growth—it’s how we protect the independence of our institutions. Norms exist to safeguard against political interference, and when they’re ignored, trust erodes. We’re already seeing attacks on institutions and the resulting collapse of trust. The last few years have given us enough warning signs to know better. It’s worth reflecting: would you feel the same if it were someone with different views at the helm? Institutions thrive on neutrality, and we lose that at our peril.

The middle – US presidential election

The middle – US presidential election

The U.S. presidential election will take time to analyze as we wait for data to explain the outcome. I’ve posted some early, sleep-deprived thoughts here. Trump’s gains were widespread, so any explanations should start there. The incumbent’s party lost, following a familiar pattern—recent incumbents have often lost for similar reasons. Voters were fed up with high inflation, and the incumbent didn’t address their concerns. Here’s a chart showing global voting patterns, and another highlighting trends from the 2024 U.S. election.

Red Dawn

Trump didn’t just improve his margins in swing states; he made gains in Democratic strongholds too. Harris’s campaign managed to swim against very strong currents, losing by only a small margin in seven swing states. The swing fell within the polling error, which isn’t bad, but this defeat feels more significant than 2016. It’s a harsh loss that will demand a complete rethink and strategic response moving forward. The forces that put Trump in the White House could easily turn against him, but I wouldn’t bet on it. There’s a much deeper trend here—one that’s been building for years and has now solidified. Non-graduate voters shifting from Democrats to Republicans has been ongoing, but now, non-white working-class voters are following the path of their white counterparts. One positive: Black voters have largely remained loyal to the Democrats. A good starting point for analysis could be the working-class boroughs in New York City. This chart from Nate Silver illustrates the long-standing issue Democrats face.

Help!

It’s not that voters are in love with Trump or his policies—they just want him to fix inflation and the cost-of-living crisis. Many are deeply frustrated with the political system and the economy. Ironically, while Republicans have helped break the system, Democrats are taking the blame. Most people don’t follow politics closely; they care more about gas prices, eggs, and other essentials. It’s only when things get chaotic that they tune in. So, when Trump talked about gas prices, many voters turned out for him and tuned out the rest. Trump is still unpopular, and that’s a huge problem: if he oversteps his mandate—which he’s likely to—it’ll store up trouble down the line. His win isn’t a vindication; it’s about people wanting him to make them feel better off. Failing to deliver will cause issues, from policies that could trigger an inflationary spiral to deportations affecting people who never expected it to happen to them.

Twist and Shout

Smart Republicans should take note and avoid indulging their worst impulses. Like the Democrats, they’re likely to face internal conflicts—free-trade business interests versus protectionism, or the desire for social security programs versus cutting government spending. Billionaire libertarians and the highly educated elite want different things. Republican leaders without degrees have a stronger grasp of what the non-graduate majority feels and have tapped into that sentiment. Democrats could learn from their opponents, especially about how people consume news today. The far right now has a new breeding ground based on old ideas. Engaging in unfamiliar or even unfriendly spaces and fostering new media networks could be essential. The elephant in the room is disinformation and misinformation—Republicans have ruthlessly exploited this, along with the far right leaking ideas into the right mainstream.

Under the Waves

There’s also a chance for a reset here, with the next battle coming in just two years at the midterms. Time hasn’t stopped, and history hasn’t ended—it’s about getting back up after being knocked down. Rethinking is required to handle a political force like Trump. A fresh perspective is essential, but it’s going to be painful—a real catch-22. Polarisation among educated voters makes shifting rightward on some issues challenging. “Sacred cows” that are non-negotiable leave many voters thinking, “You don’t speak for me.” As a British progressive, I can say this is incredibly painful and a global challenge for centre-left parties. Failing to deliver what voters want could quickly turn the tide, but that won’t solve the larger problem. After three straight defeats over 14 years, the UK Labour Party came back from its worst defeat to its largest majority by ditching several unpopular stances and making changes. Nothing is set in stone.

We also won’t know turnout details for a while or whether voters switched allegiances or simply stayed home, feeling torn between Trump and Harris.

Owner of a Lonely Heart

Expanding on the Labour Party example, Democrats can make a comeback too, but it will require hard work and a deep understanding of the challenge ahead. To put it another way—didn’t Republicans make a massive comeback after Obama? My heart breaks with you; the grief will take time to process. Rebuilding won’t be easy, and it will require some genuinely painful compromises. Talk to Republicans about how much they had to change with Trump. Political apathy will only give Trump and his allies more power—they’re counting on it, and with the level of grief you’re likely feeling now, losing trust in the process makes sense. I know what that feels like. As I said earlier, it’s going to require a shift in perspective and some serious rethinking.

Sense of Direction

Ignoring legitimate grievances is how we got here. Trying to shame people won’t help your cause. Labeling people as racists or fascists won’t stop them from voting for far-right nationalist parties. So maybe it’s time to focus on listening to them. Speaking of which, moderates fared far better than others. Calling people “garbage” only causes them to shut down before you can even speak. I speak from experience on that. I don’t have all the answers, and frankly, it’s going to take time before anyone does. The worst thing you can do is double down on a failed approach.

Don’t Look Back in Anger

Defiance and resilience are needed. Let’s avoid hyperbole and over-the-top rhetoric. Yes, tensions are high, and so is fear, but we should treat each other with kindness. Actions speak louder than words, and America could use some kindness right now.

Lost in the Echo

The hard truth is that the Democratic Party has failed to speak to voters in a straightforward way. This was a party failure, not a single person’s fault—not Biden’s or Harris’s alone. The party focused on news channels most ordinary people don’t watch and disconnected itself from the pulse of American life. Closing note: everything will be okay, if you listen to the message voters have just sent.

I may have included some song references in this blog post. See if you can spot them.

Polling and the Weather Forecast: A Lesson in Uncertainty

Polling and the Weather Forecast: A Lesson in Uncertainty

Polling is like the weather forecast: it offers a range of outcomes. It may seem unlikely to rain where you are, but it’s still possible, just as somewhere nearby could stay completely dry. Polling models work the same way, providing a range of possibilities, with the most likely outcome somewhere in the middle. However, journalists often don’t report or explain this range, and some polling companies don’t fully address it either.

When the herd (the electorate) moves, it usually moves together—yet occasionally, it splinters, adding layers of uncertainty. This unpredictability is what allows people to sometimes defy the odds and come out on top. The margin of error means the actual result could land on either side of the median outcome or even on the outer edges of what’s possible. Think of it as science fiction: in The Hitchhiker’s Guide to the Galaxy, when travelling across space, you might theoretically turn into an apple. Highly unlikely, but technically possible!

What Do the Current US Election Models Tell Us?

So, how does this translate to the current U.S. election landscape?

The current model from FiveThirtyEight has Harris at 268 electoral votes and Trump at 270. Just a few days ago, it was the other way around. It’s a remarkably close race, one we haven’t seen for decades. In practice, this means the herd is taking different paths, with some states following separate trajectories from others. Why? This could be due to local issues or unique demographics at play, which are often difficult to model accurately.

Certain demographic and local factors influence swing states differently, adding complexity to polling models. For example, Arizona’s growing Latino voter base leans conservative in some areas, potentially benefiting Trump. Meanwhile, Pennsylvania’s situation is unique, with its declining manufacturing jobs and large Arab population possibly making it more competitive. In other states, recent events or changing demographics play a big role; a hurricane’s impact on voters or a high Black population could sway support towards Harris, especially given her profile as a Black female candidate. Each of these factors highlights why swing states can defy broader polling expectations and swing differently depending on local issues.

The Swing State Landscape and Possible Outcomes

Based on current numbers, swing states could align—or they might diverge entirely. Swing voters typically follow similar trends, but today’s models suggest they’re all over the place. The final result could be a landslide, a narrow victory, or a razor-thin margin. The most unlikely outcome is a tie, which would be decided by Congress. The only time this happened was in 1800, between Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr.

In practical terms, we could see anything between 320 and 270 electoral votes for either side, making predictions a toss-up due to how close it is. And despite the possible range of outcomes, most commentary doesn’t explore these diverse possibilities in-depth, though they should.

Swing states, which often switch between the two main parties, are pivotal in deciding elections. These states can shift as demographics evolve—much like music tastes changing over time. Currently, there are seven key swing states: Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, North Carolina, and Nevada. Pennsylvania holds the biggest prize in terms of electoral college votes, which is why it’s often rated the most crucial.

At the moment, Harris has more paths to the White House than Trump. In fact, nine out of twenty-one possible routes for Harris don’t require Pennsylvania, whereas only five out of twenty-one for Trump don’t need Pennsylvania. Care to guess the tipping point state?

Current polls suggest a 51-56% chance of Trump winning and a 49-45% chance for Harris. This modelling assumes only seven states are in play. I’d say Harris has the advantage based on the seven swing states, yet betting on either side winning is difficult due to the close margins. The only thing we know for certain is that results may not be known for days if trends follow recent averages. The final outcome will either take one candidate to the White House or the jailhouse—but we’re likely heading to the courtroom first.

In a race this close, every voice truly counts. So, whatever the forecast, cast your vote—because, in the end, even a small shift in the herd can tip the balance.

America and British politics what the differences?

America and British politics what the differences?

American politics feels rather alien to me, with extreme levels of partisanship. Cooperation is dying, replaced by a desire to vote only along party lines. Why is that? I’ll come back to that later. The total control of two parties over the political system makes it nearly impossible for anyone else to break in. Political appointments cover every level of the executive, including the courts. The Supreme Court now has a Christian conservative supermajority, and courts overall lean conservative, shaping the justice system in profound ways. Not only that, but the parties also control the writing of election rules and, by design, make it difficult for anyone outside the two main parties to get on the ballot. This level of control lets them game the system in their favour, using gerrymandering to manipulate district boundaries. It’s all about packing voters who don’t support you into one district while splitting others to maximise your own chances. Urban and city areas, which should have more representation due to larger populations, are ignored. As a result, more attention is given to the small minority who could deselect you rather than the loyal base who will vote for you anyway.

Given the size of America, the amount of money spent on election cycles is staggering. Both Harris and Trump combined are projected to spend somewhere around $15.9 billion. Then there’s the religious influence, which holds considerable power in what’s supposed to be a secular country. Christian conservatives on the Supreme Court are pushing their ideological views, particularly on issues like abortion. Christian nationalism has gone mainstream on the right side of American politics. Some are pushing to change that, linking the church to the state and dismantling the secular order. Briefly, these are some of the things that make the system feel strange and distant to me.

Compared to British politics, while the two main parties hold sway, it’s not total control. The number of voters with strong partisan views is declining rapidly. Cooperation still exists, even in a winner-takes-all system, and people don’t always vote along party lines. Other parties have a real shot—currently, the UK has four major political parties. The last election saw a range of parties perform well across the country. There are far fewer barriers stopping new parties or individuals from standing. In the last hundred years, we’ve gone from two major parties to three, then four, and arguably five if you count certain regional parties. You could even say we have five and a half major players now. These include the Conservatives, Labour, Liberal Democrats, Reform, and the Greens, plus regional parties like the SNP and Plaid Cymru. The last two are nationalist parties with significant regional influence. After the 2024 election, independent candidates have risen due to the cynicism embedded in politics. While smaller parties still struggle with funding, local campaigns have been successful.

The newest party on the block runs in as many constituencies as possible to maximise funding and target winnable seats. Speaking of funding, the UK has strict limits—you can only spend around £34 million ($44 million). Political appointments are often cross-party, and the courts maintain their independence. Privately educated individuals do make up the majority in certain professions like the courts or media. Certain areas remain separate from the executive altogether. When it comes to writing the rules for elections, parties actually talk to each other and reach an agreement. And on that note, electoral boundaries are out of politicians’ hands, managed by independent bodies. Boundaries are based on population size and are equalised across the board.

We Brits have a sense of fair play, though I’ll admit there have been recent attempts to undermine that, with tactics like voter ID. Voters will remember rule-breaking and breaching that spirit of fair play. As for religious influence, the only real presence left is in the House of Lords, and even that’s weakening. Some on the right have tried to push a Christian viewpoint, but that largely goes against public opinion. The UK is largely secular these days, with the number of people identifying with religion in steady decline. Bishops in the Lords act as a moral voice, but in practice, they don’t have enough votes to swing decisions.

We may share the same language (sort of), but the differences in how we approach politics even show in how we run elections. In the US, elections seem like an unending cycle. Campaigning starts years in advance, dominating political life. Debates, attack ads, constant rallies, and endless streams of fundraising—it’s like a political marathon that never ends. In contrast, here in the UK, elections are much more condensed and far less consuming. Campaigns last about six weeks from the moment Parliament is dissolved to election day. None of this dragging it out for two years or more. It’s a sprint, not a marathon, and frankly, I think most of us prefer it that way.

And then there’s how we count votes. In the US, it’s like a patchwork quilt—some states use electronic voting, others rely on paper ballots, and each state seems to have its own rules on how and when to count them. Here, it’s much simpler. Everyone follows the same rules: paper ballots, counted on the night, with results typically announced by the next morning. None of this drawn-out waiting, recounts, or legal battles that drag on for weeks. We’ve streamlined it to the point that the system, while not flawless, works efficiently. Results are declared on the night, with no provisional votes hanging over our heads for days.

There’s even a sense of theatre when it comes to declaring results. Unlike in the US, where numbers trickle in and results are announced gradually, here, all the candidates stand together on stage as the result is read out. It makes for some pretty unforgettable moments in British political history—triumph and defeat all wrapped up in a single scene. You’d be hard-pressed to find an American election night with quite that much drama in one room.

I know one American friend will be reading this and spilling their coffee! But honestly, the differences are staggering. Small, minor differences add up pretty quickly to a completely different climate. That leaves us with two final differences: first, the timing of elections in the UK is in the hands of the prime minister, compared to the US presidential election being locked in place and unable to be changed. The final point is how centralised the UK system is—local government is far weaker compared to America. They lack the ability to raise revenue and so many other powers. In America, even cities can borrow money and raise taxes. After decades of weak local government, this is slowly starting to change in the UK.

So why did I write this blog? Well, I wanted to expand on a conversation I had with a friend and reflect on the nuanced differences between both systems. Often, these differences are missing in American and British media analysis. It comes from a point of view that ignores the contrasts, trying to make the systems mirror images of one another. That’s what I would consider lazy journalism and uninformed. Like in America, it’s still a rich man’s game in politics, but we’re just less flashy with the cash.